Womens Roles in Religion Essays

Womens Roles in Religion Essays Womens Roles in Religion Essay Womens Roles in Religion Essay Contemporary women are faced with oppressive traditions that restrict their roles in world religions, but notable women are taking steps to promote a more egalitarian future. Nick Maki Historically, women have held prominent and influential roles in several religions, but women have been deprived of these roles as the majority of religions have become increasingly institutionalized. In this analysis, I will review women’s roles in Indigenous Religions, Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam to highlight how androcentric cultures have led to women’s diminished religious influence. I contend that women have been ostracized from religious hierarchies based on ancient cultural beliefs. Therefore, I will show that many misogynistic religious traditions have arisen primarily out of fear of female biology and subsequent attempts to control what was not understood. I believe that our collective human knowledge has advanced far beyond these early superstitions, but many religions still obstinately cling to these primitive traditions because they clearly benefit the ruling male hierarchies. First, I will give brief overview of each religion, and then I will discuss some of the notable women that are challenging these archaic traditions in order to attain equality in these religions. In order to understand the affect that culture has had on several of these â€Å"Great Religions† it is necessary to first examine the roles of women in non-institutionalized religions. These religions are often referred to as â€Å"Indigenous Religions,† however there are many other terms used to describe this vast group of disparate religious beliefs, practices, and oral traditions (Eller). Therefore, â€Å"indigenous religions† is merely â€Å"a catch-all term encompassing all remaining cultures, generally tribal, in which local religious practices and beliefs are still alive, usually in close relationship to the land upon which the people live† (M. P. Fisher 35). In these cultures, â€Å"[r]eligion and everyday life are often so intertwined that the people may have no word for ‘religion’ as a thing apart that occurs only sometimes in temples† (M. P. Fisher 35). Women in these cultures have traditionally held socially powerful roles and â€Å"[m]any Native American groups were apparently matrilineal† (M. P. Fisher 37). Furthermore, women in these cultures have often held considerable political power as well (M. P. Fisher 37). I believe that women in indigenous religions generally have more influence and power since most of these religions do not have religious texts. Instead, these religions are typically passed on orally and these cultures tend to rely on simple subsistence methods of survival. As such, these small tribal cultures must depend heavily on the equal cooperation of every member of its group for survival and I believe this has resulted in more egalitarian traditions. Paula Gunn Allen, a Native womanist believes that: ‘gynocracies’ by which she means ‘woman-centered tribal societies,’ in which matrilocality [the tradition by which the husband lives with the wife’s community], matrifocality [households consisting only of the mother and her children], matrilinearity [kinship traced through the mother’s side], maternal control of household goods and resources, and female deities of the magnitude of the Christian God were and are present and active features of traditional tribal life. . Some distinguishing features of a woman-centered social system include free and easy sexuality and wide latitude in personal style. This latitude means that a diversity of people, including gay males and lesbians, are not denied and are in fact likely to be accorded honor. Also prominent in such systems are nurturing, pacifist, and passive males (as defined by western minds) and self-defining, assertive, decisive women. . . (M. P . Fisher 38). Therefore, based upon many of the traditions of various indigenous religions, there is strong evidence to support the view â€Å"that the more religion is an integral aspect of life, rather than something institutionalized and separate from daily life, the more women are likely to be involved in it† (M. P. Fisher 39). As such, the lack of religious texts in indigenous religions has helped to prevent the androcentric interpretations that are ubiquitous in many of the institutionalized religions. Hinduism is considered an institutionalized religion, yet it â€Å"is not a ‘single’ unified tradition,† but rather a diverse group of beliefs that have primarily evolved from the Vedas (M. P. Fisher 64). While it appears that women were respected in ancient India, this respect has been slowly eroded (M. P. Fisher 67). As Hinduism evolved, male babies were increasingly favored due to the overwhelming burden of the dowry system. Around 400 BCE to 100BCE it is believed that Brahman men’s influence was threatened and previously independently worshipped goddesses were transformed into the wives of gods (M. P. Fisher 68). Further evidence of the erosion of women’s roles is found in the Upanishads, the latest of the Vedic writings, which advises â€Å"that if a wife refuses her husband’s sexual advances, he should try to persuade her by coaxing, then by gifts, and finally by beating her with his fists or with rods† (M. P. Fisher 67). However, there are contradictory views in the Laws of Manu that assert that â€Å"where women are honored, there the gods are pleased; but where they are not honored no sacred rite yields rewards† (M. P. Fisher 67). Therefore, since the Vedas are comprised of a multitude of various additions, there is no singular religious canon that comprehensively defines the religion. I believe that this religious subjectivity has resulted in traditions that are based as much on prevailing cultural practices as on any specific religious texts. As such, Hinduism is open to a broad variety of interpretations that have generally been defined by the ruling, Brahman class. Nonetheless, Hindu women have begun to take progressive steps to overturn these misogynistic cultural traditions. Perhaps one of the most influential of these contemporary female leaders is Sri Mata Amritanandamayi. She is an extremely popular guru who suggests that women must simply â€Å"wake up† and assert their roles in religion (M. P. Fisher 89). She further suggests that women have merely been conditioned to believe that they cannot overturn these outdated hierarchies. Amritanandamayi teaches that women and men can attain the state of universal motherhood which is a â€Å"love and compassion felt not only towards one’s own children, but towards all people, animals and plants, rocks and rivers- a love extended to all of nature, all beings† (M. P. Fisher 91). Therefore, she believes that women must simply awaken from centuries of conditioning in order to once again express their powers of the â€Å"Divine Mother. † (M. P. Fisher 91). Buddhism is an institutionalized religion that is based on the â€Å"Four Noble Truths† (Eller). These truths state that all suffering is caused by human desire; by overcoming human desire it is possible to end all suffering and become enlightened (Eller). Unfortunately, the Buddha never wrote down a comprehensive outline of his teachings. Therefore, his teachings were passed down orally for centuries. As any player of the â€Å"telephone game† can attest, the retelling of even simple information can lead to outlandish and entirely incorrect interpretations. Furthermore, if you consider the multiple language translations that were necessary, it becomes even more likely that there were at least minor discrepancies between the Buddha’s original teachings and the subsequent writings of the memorized texts three hundred years later. â€Å"In other words, as soon as the Buddha- who had apparently made it clear that women and men were spiritual equals- passed on, culturally-based negative views of women became apparent among the monks† (M. P. Fisher 104). It is written in the texts that a senior Theravedan monk destroyed a stupa dedicated to a revered sister (M. P. Fisher 105). The monk claimed that it was distracting him from his meditations, but I believe that jealousy was the more likely culprit. Also, the Thai nun Dhammananda points out that many of the weaknesses of women are actually the weakness of the men. She asserts that monks have subjugated women because they cannot control their own sexual desires (M. P. Fisher 118). Therefore, Buddhism, in its purest form, should not make any distinction between genders. Professor Gross states that â€Å"gender roles and gender privilege are matters of worldly thinking, not of enlightened thought. If ‘egolessness’ is the goal, then there is no argument supporting male dominance over women† (M. P. Fisher 119). Of course, this hypocrisy has been noted by women since the inception of the religion and many notable Buddhist women are striving for greater equality. Although there will not be a woman Dalai Lama anytime soon, it is important to note that Buddhism teaches that enlightenment is available to anyone regardless of gender (M. P. Fisher 119,123). I agree with the Venerable Tsultrim Allione, a Tibetan Buddhist nun, in that we are in a transition and we must facilitate the groundwork for those who follow (M. P. Fisher 120). As such, significant structural change within the Buddhist religion may take a long time, but some diligent women are currently laying the foundation for future changes. Judaism is considered an â€Å"ethnic religion† in that it is based as much on tradition as it is on scriptures (Eller). Therefore, Judaism is an epitome for how religions have been molded by culture. For example, it seems likely that early Jewish cultures were fearful of the female form because it was not fully understood i. e. pregnancy, childbirth, menstruation, sexuality. These fears resulted in misogynistic traditions, such as mikveh, that equate these natural processes with impurity. Furthermore, women were discouraged from studying the Torah so they could attend to other household duties (Eller). This resulted in deep-rooted, patriarchal, male-based interpretations of the Torah that have served to suppress female participation in religious ceremonies. Nonetheless, contemporary Jewish women are taking promising steps in gaining equality, such as â€Å"the right to be called up to the Torah, to be counted in the minyan, to initiate divorce, to have equal rights in carrying out the commandments, and to be rabbis and cantors† (M. P. Fisher 174). As such, â€Å"[w]omen are becoming active participants in midrash- the ongoing process of interpretation of the bible† (M. P. Fisher 177). This is a critical step toward long-term, structural changes in the religion, because female interpretations of the Jewish scriptures are finally being acknowledged and studied. Rabbi Patricia Karlin-Nuemann, who was ordained in 1982, believes that â€Å"there was always an attempt to minimize the differentness and the newness of what it meant to be a woman rabbi† (M. P. Fisher 184). However, she embraced these differences because they introduced a new and refreshing perspective to the religion. These new perspectives will provide a reassuring light for the next generation of Jewish women to follow in this religious evolution. Christianity is perhaps one of the most institutionalized of the â€Å"Great Religions. This has been a result of numerous divisions and a multitude of differing perspectives. For example, there are striking contradictions between the original teachings of Jesus Christ and the practices of the Roman Catholic Church. Mary Pat Fisher, author of Women in Religion, explains that: The movement that developed around [Jesus Christ] was unique in its outreach to people from all levels of society, especially those considered unclean by the Jewish temple priests and rabbis, who placed great emphasis on ritual purity and moral piety. These marginal people included the very poor, the physically handicapped, those suffering from skin diseases, the socially despised such as tax collectors, sinners, prostitutes, slaves, and women. Women had been considered impure because of their bleeding during menstruation and childbirth and were thought of as possessions of men. Collectively, Jesus referred to them all as the ‘poor. ’ He invited them all to eat together at the same table, as brothers and sisters in a community that excluded no one from God’s grace and recognized no hierarchy. However, the Roman Catholic Church is explicitly hierarchical â€Å"with traditionalist, male-dominant policies, such as its stands against birth control, divorce, and abortion, its resistance to liberation theology, and denial of priesthood to women† (M. P. Fisher 215). Further explicit misogyny is contained within the Malleas Maleficarum, a document that justified the torture and execution of millions of women who did not conform to church expectations. However, feminist biblical scholar, Phyllis Trible, believes that Christian sexism and faith are so deeply intertwined that few ever question it (M. P. Fisher 211). Contemporary women in Christianity â€Å"have tried to redefine the interpretation of Christianity so that it is true their understanding and experiences- not necessarily as historically interpreted by men† (M. P. Fisher 221). This shift toward theological feminism coincided with the feminist revolution of the 1960’s, and it focused on â€Å"re-evaluating the patriarchal language and patterns of power, as well as making their voices heard on other ethical issues (M. P. Fisher 222). These female interpretations are aimed at re-defining the patriarchal languagewhich portrays God as an aggressive male ruler- in favor viewing God as a loving figure. Sallie McFague, an American Christian Theologian, views â€Å"God as a lover, a mother, a friend,† while Dorothee Soelle, a German Theologian, argues â€Å"that a concept of God as male ruler supports oppression and violence by men against humanity† (M. P. Fisher 223). Islam is perhaps the most feared and misunderstood of the â€Å"Great Religions. † Ironically, Islam shares similar qualities with its rival, Christianity. First, both religions were founded by a prophet who had relatively enlightened views about equality between the sexes. Muhammad, like Jesus, shared many of his private revelations and visions with women, specifically his wives Khadija and A’isha (M. P. Fisher 237, 240). As such, these women were originally revered and celebrated with temples, but these temples have since been destroyed (M. P. Fisher 238,241). Second, the religion of Islam sustained a massive division early in its development i. e. Sunnis and Shi’as, similar to the split of the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox sects. The foundation of Islam is based on the Qur’an, but many of Islam’s anti-female traditions have been enacted by different legal schools (M. P. Fisher 243). As such, the Qur’an actually serves to protect the rights of women, yet cultural interpretations have taken it out of context in order to support cultural biases (M. P. Fisher 244). Islamic studies Professor, Riffat Hassan, believes that the Qur’an is inherently â€Å"open† and â€Å"strongly guarantees all fundamental human rights, without reserving them for men alone,† but, unfortunately, many Muslim cultures have chosen to â€Å"regard the Shari’a [the code regulating all aspects of a Muslim’s life] as fixed† (M. P. Fisher 245). Muslims form the majority in 44 different countries, and there are as many variations in the Muslim practices. Some cultures enforce very strict rules and regulations, such as the Taliban and Deoband reform movement, while other Muslim cultures have adapted a fairly liberal lifestyle (M. P. Fisher 253,254). Therefore, the religion of Islam does innately regard women as inferior, but various cultures have hijacked the Qur’an to further their own cultural beliefs. As you can see, nearly all religions have been molded by the cultures in which they have arisen. Most of these religions wish to convey absolute truth, but it is impossible to ignore how these truths have been molded by prevailing cultural biases. Therefore, I contend that culture and religion are intrinsically intertwined. These primary components of the human experience do not exist in a perfect vacuum. Therefore, they are not exclusive of each other. It is important to note that women have gained significant levels of equality in many cultures, but they have yet to attain comparable equality in any of the institutionalized religions that I have analyzed. I believe that misogyny is still prevalent in these religions, because we have been conditioned to believe that religion perfectly iterates the natural laws of the universe and that it is not overtly affected by prevailing cultures. However, religions are always evolving and I believe that as human cultures become progressively egalitarian, religion will eventually reflect these changes, too. Eller, Cynthia. (2004-2011). Revealing World Religions 4. 0 [computer software]. Thinking Strings LLC. Electronic. Fisher, Mary P. Women in Religion. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Education Inc. , 2007. Print.

Biography of Pol Pot, Cambodian Dictator

Biography of Pol Pot, Cambodian Dictator Pol Pot (born Saloth Sar; May 19, 1925–April 15, 1998) was a Cambodian dictator. As the head of the Khmer Rouge, he oversaw an unprecedented and extremely brutal attempt to remove Cambodia from the modern world and establish an agrarian utopia. While attempting to create this utopia, Pol Pot initiated the Cambodian genocide, which lasted from 1975 to 1979 and caused the deaths of at least 1.5 million Cambodians. Fast Facts: Pol Pot Known For: As the leader of the revolutionary Khmer Rouge, Pol Pot oversaw the Cambodian genocide.Also Known As: Saloth SarBorn: May 19, 1925 in Prek Sbauv, CambodiaParents: Loth Sar and Sok NemDied: April 15, 1998 in Anlong Veng, CambodiaSpouse(s): Khieu Ponnary (m. 1956–1979), Mea Son (m. 1986–1998)Children: Sar Patchata Early Life Pol Pot was born Saloth Sar on May 19, 1928, in the fishing village of Prek Sbauk, Kampong Thom province, in what was then French Indochina (now Cambodia). His family, of Chinese-Khmer descent, was moderately well-to-do. They had connections to the royal family: a sister was a concubine of the king, Sisovath Monivong, and a brother was a court official. In 1934, Pol Pot went to live with the brother in Phnom Penh, where he spent a year in a royal Buddhist monastery and then attended a Catholic school. At age 14, he began high school in Kompong Cham. Pol Pot was, however, not a very successful student, and he eventually switched to a technical school to study carpentry. In 1949, Pol Pot obtained a scholarship to study radio electronics in Paris. He enjoyed himself in Paris, gaining a reputation as something of a bon vivant, fond of dancing and drinking red wine. However, by his second year in Paris, Pol Pot had become friends with other students who were impassioned by politics. From these friends, Pol Pot encountered Marxism, joining the Cercle Marxiste (Marxist Circle of Khmer Students in Paris) and the French Communist Party. (Many of the other students whom he befriended during this period later became central figures in the Khmer Rouge.) After Pol Pot failed his examinations for the third year in a row, however, he had to return in January 1953 to what would shortly become Cambodia. Joining the Viet Minh As the first of the Cercle Marxiste to return to Cambodia, Pol Pot helped assess the different groups rebelling against the Cambodian government and recommended that returning members of the Cercle join the Khmer Viet Minh (or Moutakeaha). Although Pol Pot and other members of the Cercle disliked that the Khmer Viet Minh had heavy ties with Vietnam, the group felt this Communist revolutionary organization was the one most likely to take action. In August 1953, Pol Pot left his home secretly and, without even telling his friends, headed to the Viet Minh’s Eastern Zone Headquarters, located near the village of Krabao. The camp was located in the forest and consisted of canvas tents that could be easily moved in case of an attack. Pol Pot (and eventually more of his Cercle friends) were dismayed to find the camp completely segregated, with Vietnamese as the high-ranking members and Cambodians (Khmers) given only menial tasks. Pol Pot himself was assigned tasks such as farming and working in the mess hall. Still, he watched and learned how the Viet Minh used propaganda and force to take control of peasant villages in the region. The Khmer Viet Minh was forced to disband after the 1954 Geneva Accords; Pol Pot and several of his friends headed back to Phnom Penh. 1955 Election The 1954 Geneva Accords had temporarily quashed much of the revolutionary fervor within Cambodia and proclaimed a mandatory election in 1955. Pol Pot, who was now back in Phnom Penh, was determined to do what he could to influence the election. He infiltrated the Democratic Party with the hope of being able to reshape its policies. When it turned out that Prince Norodom Sihanouk had rigged the election, Pol Pot and others became convinced that the only way to change Cambodia was through revolution. Khmer Rouge In the years following the 1955 elections, Pol Pot led a dual life. By day, Pol Pot worked as a teacher and surprisingly was well-liked by his students. By night, Pol Pot was heavily involved in a Communist revolutionary organization, the Kampuchean Peoples Revolutionary Party (KPRP). (â€Å"Kampuchean† is another term for â€Å"Cambodian.†) During this time, Pol Pot also married Khieu Ponnary, the sister of one of his Paris student friends. The couple never had children together. By 1959, Prince Sihanouk had begun to seriously repress leftist political movements, especially by targeting the older generation of experienced dissidents. With many of the older leaders in exile or on the run, Pol Pot and other young members of the KPRP emerged as leaders in party affairs. After a power struggle within the KPRP in the early 1960s, Pol Pot took control of the party. This party, which was officially renamed the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) in 1966, became more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge (meaning â€Å"Red Khmer† in French). The term â€Å"Khmer Rouge† was used by Prince Sihanouk to describe the CPK, since many in the CPK were both Communists (often called â€Å"reds†) and of Khmer descent. The Battle to Topple Prince Sihanouk In March 1962 when his name appeared on a list of people wanted for questioning, Pol Pot went into hiding. He took to the jungle and began preparing a guerrilla-based revolutionary movement that intended to topple Prince Sihanouk’s government. In 1964 with help from North Vietnam, the Khmer Rouge established a base camp in the border region and issued a declaration calling for armed struggle against the Cambodian monarchy, which they viewed as corrupt and repressive. The ideology of the Khmer Rouge gradually developed in this period. It featured a Maoist orientation with an emphasis on the peasant farmer as the foundation for a revolution. This contrasted with the orthodox Marxist idea that the proletariat (working class) was the basis for revolution. Courting Vietnam and China In 1965, Pol Pot was hoping to get support from either Vietnam or China for his revolution. Since the Communist North Vietnamese regime was the most likely source of support for the Khmer Rouge at the time, Pol Pot went to Hanoi to ask for aid. In response to his request, the North Vietnamese criticized Pol Pot for having a nationalist agenda. Since, at this time, Prince Sihanouk was letting the North Vietnamese use Cambodian territory in their struggle against South Vietnam and the United States, the Vietnamese believed the time was not right for an armed struggle in Cambodia. It did not matter to the Vietnamese that the time might have felt right for the Cambodian people. Pol Pot next visited the Communist People’s Republic of China (PRC) and fell under the influence of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, which emphasized revolutionary enthusiasm and sacrifice. It accomplished this in part by encouraging people to destroy any vestiges of traditional Chinese civilization. China would not openly support the Khmer Rouge, but it gave Pol Pot some ideas for his own revolution. In 1967, Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge, though isolated and lacking widespread support, made the decision to start a revolt against the Cambodian government. The initial action began on January 18, 1968. By that summer, Pol Pot had moved away from collective leadership to become the sole decision maker. He even set up a separate compound and lived apart from the other leaders. Cambodia and the Vietnam War The Khmer Rouge’s revolution progressed very slowly until two major events occurred in 1970. The first was a successful coup led by General Lon Nol, which deposed the increasingly unpopular Prince Sihanouk and aligned Cambodia with the United States. The second involved a massive bombardment campaign and invasion of Cambodia by the United States. During the Vietnam War, Cambodia had officially remained neutral; however, the Viet Cong (Vietnamese communist guerrilla fighters) used that position to their advantage by creating bases within Cambodian territory in order to regroup and store supplies. American strategists believed that a massive bombing campaign within Cambodia would deprive the Viet Cong of this sanctuary and thus bring the Vietnam War to a quicker end. The result for Cambodia was political destabilization. These political changes set the stage for the rise of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. With an incursion by Americans within Cambodia, Pol Pot was able to claim that the Khmer Rouge was fighting for Cambodian independence and against imperialism. Although he might have been refused aid from North Vietnam and China before, Cambodian involvement in the Vietnam War led to their support of the Khmer Rouge. With this new backing, Pol Pot was able to concentrate on recruiting and training while the North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong did most of the initial fighting. Disturbing trends emerged early. Students and so-called â€Å"middle† or better-off peasants were no longer allowed to join the Khmer Rouge. Former government workers and officials, teachers, and people with an education were also purged from the party. Chams- an important ethnic group in Cambodia- and other minorities were forced to adopt Cambodian styles of dress and appearance. Decrees were issued establishing cooperative agricultural enterprises. The practice of emptying urban areas began. By 1973, the Khmer Rouge controlled two-thirds of the country and half the population. Genocide in Democratic Kampuchea After five years of civil war, the Khmer Rouge was finally able to capture Cambodia’s capital of Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. This ended Lon Nol’s rule and began the five-year reign of the Khmer Rouge. It was at this time that Saloth Sar began calling himself â€Å"brother number one† and took Pol Pot as his nom de guerre. (According to one source, â€Å"Pol Pot† comes from the French words â€Å"politique potentielle.†) After taking control of Cambodia, Pol Pot declared the Year Zero. This meant much more than restarting the calendar; it was a means of emphasizing that all that was familiar in the lives of Cambodians were to be destroyed. This was a far more comprehensive cultural revolution than the one Pol Pot had observed in Communist China. Religion was abolished, ethnic groups were  forbidden to speak their language or follow their customs, and political dissent was ruthlessly suppressed. As dictator of Cambodia, which the Khmer Rouge renamed Democratic Kampuchea, Pol Pot began a ruthless, bloody campaign against a variety of groups: members of the former government, Buddhist monks, Muslims, Western-educated intellectuals, university students and teachers, people in contact with Westerners or Vietnamese, people who were crippled or lame, and ethnic Chinese, Laotians, and Vietnamese. These massive changes within Cambodia and the specific targeting of large sections of the population led to the Cambodian genocide. By its end in 1979, at least 1.5 million people had been murdered in the â€Å"Killing Fields.† Many were beaten to death with iron bars or hoes after digging their own graves. Some were buried alive. One directive read: â€Å"Bullets not to be wasted.† Most died from starvation and disease, but probably 200,000 were executed, often after interrogation and brutal torture. The most infamous interrogation center was Tuol Sleng, S-21 (Security Prison 21), a former high school. It was there that prisoners were photographed, interrogated, and tortured. It was known as â€Å"the place where people go in but never come out.† Vietnam Defeats the Khmer Rouge As the years passed, Pol Pot became increasingly paranoid about the possibility of an invasion by Vietnam. To preempt an attack, Pol Pot’s regime began carrying out raids and massacres in Vietnamese territory. Rather than dissuade the Vietnamese from attacking, these raids ultimately provided Vietnam with an excuse to invade Cambodia in 1978. By the following year, the Vietnamese had routed the Khmer Rouge, ending both the Khmer Rouge’s rule in Cambodia and the genocidal policies of Pol Pot. Ousted from power, Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge retreated to a remote area of Cambodia along the border with Thailand. For several years, the North Vietnamese tolerated the existence of the Khmer Rouge in this border area. However, in 1984, the North Vietnamese made a concerted effort to deal with them. After that, the Khmer Rouge survived only with the support of Communist China and the toleration of the Thai government. In 1985, Pol Pot resigned as head of the Khmer Rouge and handed over day-to-day administrative tasks to his longtime associate, Son Sen. Pol Pot nonetheless continued as the de facto leader of the party. Aftermath In 1995, Pol Pot, still living in isolation on the Thai border, suffered a stroke that left the left side of his body paralyzed. Two years later, he had Son Sen and members of Sen’s family executed because he believed that Sen had attempted to negotiate with the Cambodian government. The deaths of Son Sen and his family shocked many of the remaining Khmer leadership. Feeling that Pol Pot’s paranoia was out of control and worried about their own lives, Khmer Rouge leaders arrested Pol Pot and put him on trial for the murder of Sen and other Khmer Rouge members. Pol Pot was sentenced to house arrest for the remainder of his life. He was not punished more severely because he had been so prominent in Khmer Rouge affairs. Some of the remaining members of the party, however, questioned this lenient treatment. Death On April 15, 1998, Pol Pot heard a broadcast on Voice of America (of which he was a faithful listener) announce that the Khmer Rouge had agreed to turn him over to an international tribunal. He died that same night. Rumors persist that he either committed suicide or was murdered. His body was cremated without an autopsy to establish the cause of death. Legacy Pol Pot is remembered for his long, oppressive reign and for his attempt to exterminate all religious and ethnic minorities in Cambodia. The Cambodian genocide- responsible for the deaths of at least 1.5 million people- resulted in several Khmer Rouge leaders being convicted of crimes against humanity. Sources Bergin, Sean.  The Khmer Rouge and the Cambodian Genocide. Rosen Pub. Group, 2009.Short, Philip.  Pol Pot: Anatomy of a Nightmare. Henry Holt, 2005.